The community that dies from thirst

A three year old child died of malnutrition last Friday in Uribia, a town of Colombia located in the department of La Guajira, mostly inhabited by the indigenous population Wayuu. The lack of water in recent years has taken the lives of nearly 5,000 children, according to Javier Rojas, leader of the Association of Traditional Indigenous Authorities Shipia Wayuu Wayuu. The more than 400,000 people who make up this community live 365 days a year with temperatures between 35 and 42 degrees, without water. Since a mining company was installed more than 10 years in the region, there has been a decline in the possibilities to access the liquid. The deaths make clear the drama that is lived.

The case has already reached the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), which called on Wednesday the Colombian Government to explain what measures it has taken to address this community and follow up to any attempts they have made to solve the food crisis that also affects those indigenous peoples. At the end of the process, according to Carolina Sáchica, the lawyer handling the case on behalf of the Wayuu, they expect to recover the water from the largest water resource in the area, the Rancheria River, which was dammed for the exclusive use of companies expected engaged in coal mining.

Book exposing Glencore (one of the owners of Cerrejon)! and its human right, labor, and environmental violations

Swiss-registered Glencore is one of the world's largest companies in  the extractive industry. Glencore's many mines and mining projects have  violated human rights and labour and environmental legislation on  countless occasions. In May 2014, MultiWatch published "Milliarden mit Rohstoffen – Der  Schweizer Konzern Glencore Xstrata", a survey of Glencore's  controversial business practices and of the negative impacts of its  mining projects. MultiWatch now present the English and Spanish version of the book.
Download here:
English and  Spanish

Cerrejón mine in Colombia: can it address its human rights risks?

An interesting article discussing what Cerrejon thinks and plans for addressing the allegation of their human right violations. Is it enough to just inform their personnel about Human Rights Law? or to impose ways to deal with situations that are incommensurable, such as the use of territory in indigenous ancestral lands?

La Guajira only has a handful of formal petrol stations. Instead, drivers in this remote corner of north-east Colombia fill up at temporary kerbside stops, where a vendor stands with a plastic drum of contraband fuel and a shorn-off hosepipe.
Over the years, the state has earned a reputation as Colombia's Wild West. As well as pimpineros (petrol smugglers), its porous border with nearby Venezuela is a popular route for narcotic gangs and leftwing guerrilla groups. The region also bears the scars of Colombia's decades-long civil during which millions were displaced and an estimated 200,000 killed.

International Campaign to stop the diversion of the Bruno Stream

The Cerrejón coal mine in Colombia has already forcibly relocated thousands of people from local communities. Now the mine wants to divert one of the area's few rivers to access more coal - but it is one of the main sources of water for people in the area.
Local communities have joined forces with workers in the mine to stop the river diversion and protect the livelihood of people living in the area. Community opposition recently stopped the company from diverting the arid region's major river to get at 500 million tonnes of extra coal.

Cerrejón is owned by three massive mining multinationals listed on the London Stock Exchange: Anglo American, BHP Billiton and Glencore. Please tell them to respect community rights in Colombia and halt the diversion of the Arroyo Bruno river.

This is a joint action by a coalition of organisations working in solidarity with communities around Cerrejón.

Click here to sign and show your support

With the Article 22 of the National Plan of Development, the Drummond wins and the state loses.

The National Development Plan in Colombia which is pending in Congress, includes an article that seeks to automatically extend the contracts of mining contribution not agreed to have extensions.

This was denounced by House Representative for the Party of the U of the Department of Cesar, Christian José Moreno Villamizar, who said that the adoption of Article 22 of the Law Project on the National Development Plan, makes the Drummond, a coal multinational company operating in Cesar, wins and while the nation loses.

The parliament representative recalled that in mining matters the Colombian government signed the contract 078 1988, which does not express possibilities for extension.

Public Declaration from La Guajira after Grand Forum for the defense of the Bruno Stream.

Communities, social and political organizations, environmentalists, workers of the Colombian mining and energy sector, handicraftsmen, indigenous people, students, educators, human rights defenders and other participants in the GRAND FORUM IN DEFENSE OF THE BRUNO STREAM, HEALTH AND THE ENVIRONMENT, held on 4 and 5 March 2015 in Riohacha, make public to the Colombian society and peoples of the world the following conclusions:

Carbones del Cerrejón Limited, in its P40 expansion project, which aims to "increase production from 32 to 40 million tons of coal per year starting from 2015" and in complicity with the government of Juan Manuel Santos, plan to divert the Bruno stream, one of the main tributaries of the Rancheria River. Since over 80% of La Guajira territory is semidesert and its water supply is very fragile, changing the course of this stream can result in the loss of biodiversity, accelerated and increased sedimentation, and severe alterations of evapotranspiration, and a probable death of the stream.

Excerpt from Documentary in Progress The Cost of Power

Watch this excerpt of this great new documentary in progress about Cerrejon in La Guajira (bilingual)

Cautionary measures to protect the rights for water of the indigenous Wayuu people

This month we should know the decision of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights around the cautionary measures to be taken requested by the Wayuu communities that depend on the Rancheria River for their subsistence.

The situation that the Wayuu indigenous people have suffered for decades shows that it is false to think that extractivist projects generate prosperity for the communities living in the territories where they are held. La Guajira is coping with one of the worst humanitarian crisis in the country, a few miles from one of the most profitable mines in its history: El Cerrejón.

"Fuera Cerrejón de la Guajira" Memoria, reflexión y acción colectiva (Spanish) "Cerrejon, go away from La Guajira" Memory, Reflection, and Collective Action

Watch a short documentary in Spanish about how Cerrejon has impacted La Guajira, tricking, polluting, and impoverishing the region.

Diversion of the Bruno Stream in La Guajira. An environmental absurdity

Once again, it appears that coal mining became an environmental, economic and social scam for a region that expected welfare and progress coming from the exploitation of large mineral reserves, stored for millions of years. The mining-energy locomotive that pulls out the important minerals of the zone is also carrying the hopes of a people who looked for mining extraction a boost for development that would bring decent work, growth and modernity and social transformation.

The results of more than 3 decades of exploitation show another thing: Coal production is equivalent to 61% of regional GDP, but which employs only 3% of the economically active population; a notorious environmental degradation, destruction of tropical dry forest, contamination of surface and groundwater, disappearance of many tributary streams of the River Rancheria, and population displacement as people are forced to leave their ancestral villages to give place to mining. Poverty, drought, violence, poor health and insecurity are notorious in a territory that is generously endowed by nature.

FOR THE WAYUU, THE ARGUMENTS TO DIVERT THE BRUNO STREAM ARE MERE STORIES TO DECEIVE FOOLS!

The Wayuu communities settled on the banks of the Bruno Stream and other social organizations gathered on Saturday February 7 in the ancestral ranchería of Paredero, of the Municipality of Albania, La Guajira. The objective of this meeting was to discuss the claims of Cerrejón that, with the complicity of the government of Juan Manuel Santos, wants to divert the Bruno Stream, one of the tributaries of the Rancheria River, with the sole purpose of the increase of profit of multinational corporations. As a result, we give the following public communique form La Guajira, Colombia:

For the Wayuu, the water, as it is the Bruno Stream, means the veins of Wounmain - Our territory - that is in charge of fertilizing the cultural riches, including what allows us to have food sovereignty and life itself.

26th of February: Departamental March in Defense for the Bruno Stream

The purpose of diverting the stream Bruno by the multinational company Cerrejón generated a unison reaction various social sectors of La Guajira. Unions and the Civic Committee for the Dignity of La Guajira unveiled their resolution to conduct a series of activities, in order to visibilize the feeling of the Guajira community regarding this event. For February 7, unionists and The Civic Committee are calling traditional authorities, governors and indigenous Wayuu leaders to a meeting In Paredero in order to hear the position of the indigenous people, and coordinate the participation of the ethnic groups in the mobilization for the defense of water and life.

For February 19, there will be a departmental Union plenary, while on February 26, there will be a march in defense for Bruno stream.

Summary and conclusions of "The Congress for Life, Autonomy, and Territorial Permanence" in La Guajira, Colombia:

By: Emma Banks
Anthropology Ph.D Student
Vanderbilt University

 Between August 7 and 9, communities affected by the Cerrejón coalmine in La Guajira hosted "The Congress for Life, Autonomy, and Territorial Permanence." During these three days, with support from the NGOs Cajar and CINEP, communities came together to host a tribunal against aggression by the mine in their territory, a visit to sacred Afro-Colombian and indigenous sites, and Autonomous Consultation voting in two Wayuu communities.  This event was the first of its kind in Colombia.  Representatives of national and international NGOs and human rights organizations attended the event as observers and jury members on the tribunal.

I had the honor of being a jury member in the "Tribunal Against Mining Agression in La Guajira" on August 7 held in El Cerro de Hato Nuevo, a Wayuu reservation.  During the first session, we heard testimony from Afro-Colombian and indigenous people accusing Cerrejón of violating their cultural and autonomous rights.  Indigenous Wayuu representatives spoke of losing their language and cultural practices.  All communities in the area have lost access to communal lands on which they once fished, hunted and gathered medicinal plants.  Displaced communities such as the Afro-Colombian community of Tabaco recounted how their social fabric has been torn when they lost their lands.  Communities traditionally reliant on agriculture have lost their ability to provide for their families from the land.  Both Afro-Colombian and Wayuu indigenous witnesses claimed Cerrejón has violated their ancestral land, and thus their autonomy and rights to cultural preservation.  Furthermore, many reported that Cerrejón attempted to divide communities by intimidating and bribing leaders, offering compensation to only select families, and discouraging resistance.

INDEFINITE CIVIL STRIKE FOR THE DIGNITY OF LA GUAJIRA STARTING ON AUGUST 28

INDEFINITE CIVIL STRIKE FOR THE DIGNITY OF LA GUAJIRA STARTING ON AUGUST 28 

As a result of the implementation of a mining and energy model of extraction of natural resources through multinational companies, the peasants and different sectors in La Guajira live a crisis whose most sinister aspects include the enormous and ever growing social inequality, which measured through the Gini coefficient, has risen from 047 in 2002 to 061 in 2010; the low coverage of aqueduct (51.64%) and sewerage (38.96%); the Index Unsatisfied Basic Needs (UBN) of 65.23%; and the chronic malnutrition of 27% making it one of the highest rates in the country.

Given the above, the Civic Committee for the Dignity of La Guajira, at its meeting today, July 22, made ​​the following determinations: 

1. to request the National Government, the departmental government, and multinational companies to form a single table for negotiation to discuss the demands that includes the aspirations of the people of La Guajira. 

2. To invite the Guajiro people to join for an indefinite general departmental strike starting on August 28 of this year

3. The following Tuesday July 29, a meeting will discuss the organizational aspects for the development of a plan leading to link large sections and sectors in this strike.

CENTRAL POINTS OF THE LIST OF REQUESTS FOR THE SALVATION AND DIGNITY OF LA GUAJIRA TO BE DISCUSSED WITH THE GOVERNMENT AND MULTINATIONAL COMPANY CERREJON

1. The creation of a fund for development and Compensation for the dignity of the Guajira, by which the Colombian state and the multinational companies exploiting natural resources in La Guajira will pay the huge social debt to the different social and ethnic groups in La Guajira as a result of the immense and irreversible environmental, social, economic and cultural impacts. This fund will also ensure the compensation of future impacts on the Guajira people, as it should be done with the social responsibility programs arising from the exploitation of non-renewable natural resources. 

2.- The creation of a plan for management of natural resources to ensure sustainable development (its conservation, restoration or replacement) and, thus, preventing and controlling environmental deterioration by being able to impose legal sanctions and claims when demages have occurred.

3.- Plan and fund for the promotion of productive projects based on agriculture, industry, water management, and tourism in order to generate productive employment and ensure food sovereignty in the department. 

4. Improve the quality of life of the communities in La Guajira so that the wealth generated by the exploitation of natural resources be shared with all those social sectors through jobs, quality public services, food, health, education and housing 

5. To request thr Colombian State to guarantee democracy and the full use of public rights and freedoms for peasants and other social and ethnic sectors in La Guajira

The Real Costs of Public Protest (from an industrial and business perspective)

June 26, 2014

A May 2014 joint report from the University of Queensland Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining and the Harvard Kennedy School confirms the real costs of public opposition to development.

Researchers analysed over fifty mining, oil and gas projects in India, Chile, Peru, Australia and Argentina to examine and total the costs of public opposition to their businesses. The results were staggering but not unexpected from industries often faced with costly cancellations and delays caused by public objection.

"There is a popular misconception that local communities are powerless in the face of large corporations and governments," according to key study contributor Dr. Daniel Franks.

Franks asserts that this sentiment is false and concludes that the study's findings "show that community mobilization can be very effective at raising the costs to companies."

The study points out that project delays resulted in the most frequent source of costs to companies, with approximately $20 million per week wasted for mining projects valued between $3 billion and $5 billion.

However, project suspensions caused the most overall economic damage. One example the study referenced is a gold and copper mine established in Peru by the Newmont Mining Corporation. The mine, known as the Conga project, aimed to extract 350,000 ounces of gold and 120 million pounds of copper from Peru's Cajamarca region annually.

But after some initial investments in the $5 billion project were made, local residents grew increasingly concerned that the mine could have negative effects on water quality in the area. Citizens' concerns eventually lead to a series of protests that escalated into violence and a government order to halt all work at the mine. Two years later, the mine remains closed, leaving Newmont with a
$2 billion loss on the investment.

Switching to an industry-wide perspective, in 2012 Swiss financial firm Credit Suisse found "environmental, social and governance risks" across the Australian mining, oil and gas sector to be worth $8 billion.

According Dr. Frank, this level of risk could be negated if companies focus more on investment in risk mitigation at the outset of projects rather than acting retroactively. Franks argues that companies should focus on "meaningful"
dialogue at the outset of a project and that this attempt to reach out "is something that the best practice companies are doing at the moment, and something that the International Council for Mining and Metals argues that companies should be doing."

Contributor Rachel Davis of the Harvard Kennedy School's Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative notes that "it is much harder for a company to repair its relationship with a local community after it has broken down; relationships cannot be 'retro-fitted.'"

What is the best course of action for companies going forward then? While there may not be one perfect formula, companies can start by taking a few important steps to formulate a strategy that minimizes public opposition.

Starting early

Strive to create an open environment for dialogue. Even if opposition appears limited, it only takes a few angry voices to change the atmosphere into one of intimidation and disapproval. Local residents may want a development to succeed, but not at the cost of angering their neighbors. Therefore, the moment a project is internally approved, project managers must have an infrastructure for communication ready, both on the ground and in cyberspace. This way, rapid communication to build an advocacy network can take place by the time opposition starts. Receptive citizens will then have the resources necessary to receive information and voice approval.

Reaching out

Those with new mining proposals must engage residents as their new neighbors by creating a dialogue and allowing residents to develop a sense of familiarity with the company coming to town. Successful projects inform and educate the community using a variety of communication vehicles, including phone calls, direct mailing, press conferences and releases, and open house information sessions. People are invested in their communities; they want to be informed and to know the assets and drawbacks a project will bring. If developers neglect to inform them, opposition groups will.

Furthermore, some locals may have very legitimate concerns that require in-depth answers. It is paramount that these concerns are answered in plain and direct language from the company itself. Rather than ignoring a citizen's complaint, engage the resident even if a solution is not immediately feasible.

Keeping in touch

Companies must also build a database of supporters and call upon them.

Supporters want the success of the development, and they will help if asked. Let both advocates and the community know about the status of a project - where it is doing well and where it needs help. A few supportive voices at a town meeting will make a significant difference.

Additionally, social media cannot be neglected. Creative content that can be shared easily is an important digital dialogue facilitator.

Staunch opposition will never tire out in its public outreach, and neither can those putting forth the proposal.

Turning local support into legislative support

Finally, supporters must be made aware that success at the local level can be overturned at the state level.

Teach supporters how to engage most effectively with their local and state elected officials through the platforms upon which officials most frequently engage.

Make sure that every mining project is accompanied by a grassroots advocacy campaign that will keep the project popular both with locals and state governments. Politicians will be much more likely to stand behind the industry if it is backed by voting constituents.

With a strong local and legislative advocacy network built by an active grassroots campaign, mining projects will reduce the risk of project delays that can cost millions.

http://www.mining.com/web/the-real-costs-of-public-protest/?utm_source=digest-en-mining-140625&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=digest

People of the Guajira Endorse The Civic Committee for Dignity in the Guajira's Call for a Civic Strike

Today, on May 1, International Workers' Day, workers, peasants, students, teachers, Wayuu indigenous people, community leaders, municipal officials, people displaced by the Cerrejón mine, and women took the streets in La Guajira's capital, calling out "Yes to the Civic Strike, They are calling us to strike, we will!" which referred to the calling of the civic strike by various civil society organizations, grouped under the Civic Committee for Dignity in the Guajira.

 

The application of the extractive mining and gas model, the opening of the economy, and cuts to public spending have led to the worst crisis in our department's history. The crisis is in the rising inequality: the Gini coefficient has risen from 0.47 in 2002 to 0.61 in 2010; the loss of food security; 28 % of territory in mining concession; the decline of the peasant economy.   The statistics reflect this great social tragedy: 51.64 % of the region has low aqueduct access and 38.96 % low sewer system access, 65.23 % of people do not meet Basic Needs and 27 % suffer from chronic malnutrition, one of the highest rates in the country.   

 

La Guajira has become one of zones with major energy resources with over 3 billion tons of coal, 60 % of the country's natural gas and produces 560 MW of electricity to meet national demand.  

 

But these riches are not exploited to meet the development needs of the department or bring progress to the people.  While multinational corporations obtain operational utilities of 37.7 %, 60 % of people in the Guajira earn less that 200 thousand pesos ($100 USD) per month and 38 % makes less than 90 thousand pesos ($45).

 

Mining, which makes up 61% of GDP, generates only 2.9 % of employment in La Guajira. That is to say, the jobs lost in agriculture have not been made up in mining employment.  Unemployment in 2010 rose to 9.2 % from 5.7 % in 2005, and insufficient employment rose to 122 thousand people.

 

Our natural water sources are low, and in 12 municipalities, very low, and there is high and very high water vulnerability in 33% of the same areas. Coal mining has aggravated the problem, destroying natural aquifers in 8 water bodies including ravines and tributary streams of the Ranchería River and has affected 11, 488 hectares of forest.  The mine has only rehabilitated about 3000 hectares of this land.

 

Civil society organizations grouped under the Civic Committee for the Guajira have called for all social sectors: civic, trade, institutional and political leadership to organize a department-wide civic strike.  The Civic Committee for Dignity in La Guajira will lead the strike with participation from municipal committees and other organizations and sectors who want to participate in the strike.

 

The Civic Committee for Dignity will prepare a letter in the Casa de Nariño, presidential office, on May 7, containing a summary of the list of petitions from 2013, focusing on the most pressing needs of people in the Guajira, and will ask the government to mediate in negotiations with Carbones de Cerrejón and Associación Ecopetrol Chevron Texaco.  On May 15, the Committee will host a meeting between social, union, and community organizations, to approve the civic strike, create a mobilization plan that will include strike committees in every municipality, neighborhood, street, school, university, as well as the plans for marches, rallies, blockades, and longer marches with the different social sectors in order to make the strike successful across the Guajira.

 

The completion of the strike will depend on the National Government, the multinational shareholders of Cerrejón, and the association Ecopetrol Chevron Texaco paying attention and confirming the need for negotiation committees, and their will to resolve the problems from the list of petitions.

 

The Civic Committee for the La Guajira:

 

Letter from a Wayuu indigenous woman to the public opinion: “My reasons for NOT voting for Juan Manuel Santos nor Oscar Zuluaga

By Ussyunu Epiayu, May 28, 2014

First, I want to address any and all Colombians who defend national sovereignty. Also, I want to thank the indigenous brothers, African descents, peasants, sisters and brothers of the left, and all those who trusted the real proposals of Clara Obregón López. "Clara lo tiene Claro” demonstrates how the two million votes and the 70% of abstention are the real winners of the elections on May 25, 2014. These give credibility and confidence to the ideology as consolidated now in the left. 

Today, being 5:13 pm, I allow myself to write this letter from my status as an activist Wayuu woman and leader, as a manifesto of "my reasons for NOT voting by Juan Manuel Santos nor Oscar Iván Zuluaga." Brothers and sisters, with my sincere words I do not seek to be recognized. Rather, I only seek to raise awareness and find consistency as I know many of my sisters and brothers who follow me on social networks, will think I'm crazy since this may be taken as an opposition of the so-called Peace ? But my conviction and good thinking has led me to reflect that today my country, your country, our country Colombia, has been falling apart for long 25 years of Neoliberal reforms through which a giant Empire, along with a few warlords and wealthy elites have acted as the of the varied natural resources that rest in our country. However, as has been reflected through the marches and collective proposals that have lately taken place for the protection and safeguarding national sovereignty, these resources are collective.

Indigenous and non-indigenous, the 13,000 votes casted in Wounmainkat, La Guajira department, supporting Clara Lopez, is today, a reflection of the voices of those brothers and sisters who believe in real proposals for an economic and political model built from the bases. 

Today, I wish to inform you that my department of La Guajira houses natural resources that reach 43 .4% of the national proven gas reserves, supplying domestic demand by 60% as well as 56.6% of the proven coal reserves, which are equivalent to 3,728 million tons, generating 560 MW of electrical power for the nation. 

Nevertheless, today, the realities among indigenous communities, farmers, African descendants, and other sectos show the true Guajira wrapped in Extreme Poverty, poor conditions of public services, and a fully contaminated Guajira as a result of the corporations that took over the whole department of la Guajira. The most alarming aspects for me are, thus, the social inequality, expressed through the Gini coefficient that when from 0.47 in 2007 to 0.61 in 2010; the low aqueduct (51.64%) and sewerage (38.96%) coverage; an index of unsatisfied basic needs (NBI) of 65.23%; and a chronic malnutrition of 27%, being one of the highest rates in the country. 

The departmental GDP which by the mid-70's in terms of agriculture was more than 20%, in 2010 only reaches 4.6%. In other words, mining, which is 61% of the GDP, generates only 2.9% of the local jobs; certainly, much less than in agriculture. Hence, unemployment in 2010 was 9.2%, much higher than the 5.7% in 2005 while underemployment reached 122000 people. Up to 2012, more than 540 million tons of coal had been exported, with revenue for the mining company Cerrejón of 23,800 million dollars. Neverteless, Colombia only obtained royalties of $ 2,006,000 dollars, or the 8.42% of total earnings. Similarly, while multinational corporations operating profits reached 37.7%, 58% of the peasants in La Guajira live on less than 200000 pesos (around 110 dollars) per month, and 38% with less than 90000 pesos (50 dollars). Mining and multinational corporations have not been a sign of development and progress but, instead, immense environmental, social and cultural liabilities.

Thus, I cannot be so irresponsible as to think or repeat such common lies deceiving many of our Colombian brothers of  "vote for peace" "or “Santos is better than Zuluaga". No. Both are cut from the same cloth and both come from the same school of warlords and elites working with the transnational companies operating in the country.

Today, my analysis leads me to lean to the left in Colombia that keeps some consistence consistency. I know many will surely point out that we are not wanting peace for Colombia, but, for these politicians, the focus has not been the search for peace. There is a gentleman named Juan Manuel Santos whose campaign being done in the name of peace is actually for the benefit of the elite. Similar is the perverse example of the way in which Oscar Iván Zuluaga, a cub of Uribe, is based on the false propagandas shown in the media (RCN and Caracol). Sisters and brothers, I also will mention that the focus of the crisis that exists in Colombia is not merely armed conflict, but also the real crisis coming from the neoliberal economic model. The oligarchy cannot cover the sun with one finger. The lies of the governments of the Right have been uncovered by the movement of the peasants, indigenous peoples, and others that have risen in this country. I do not say that peace is not necessary for Colombia. Of course it is! But peace must be accompanied with social justice where changes are generated from local economic models built where the bases can build their own sovereign models. The electoral results show me the failure of Santismo and Uribismo. This is reflected by the Municipality of Piedras, Tolima, where blank votes reached 54.02% as a protest against the exploitation of natural resources of the company Anglo Gold Ashanti. Similarly, places like Taganga (Magdalena) and Baru (Cesar) refused to vote as a result of the failure of the government to meet their basic needs. 

"The economic model is absorbing the country and its sovereignty is at risk," There is a disaster of the FTA. For these reasons: 

"I do NOT Vote for Juan Manuel Santos nor by Oscar Iván Zuluaga." 

“Voting for the Right obliges me to lose my territory and my dignity; Voting for the Right forces you to have no memory”

"Consistency in my daily walk and discourse makes me give reasons not to vote for the Right. I appeal to the good sense and coherence of people to adopt for blank votes or abstention on the second round of elections" 

Sincerely, Ussyunu Epiayu

Massacres and state oppression against indigenous peoples in Guatemala in a context of resource extracion

http://upsidedownworld.org/main/news-briefs-archives-68/4453-urgent-communique-on-the-massacre-in-nacahuil-guatemala

El Cerrejon Mine in Colombia attacks communities No Pasaran!

Scenes from Tabaco 2001.  Stop this from happening again

STOP THE FORCED EVICTION OF VILLAGERS IN ROCHE

TO MAKE WAY FOR A COAL MINE

Cerrejon Coal and the Colombian courts are threatening to evict indigenous and afro-descendent villagers at Roche, in the northern province of La Guajira, on Thursday 29 August. They want to expand their massive opencast mine. Cerrejon Coal is owned by three mega mining multinationals (Anglo American, BHP Billiton and Glencore Xstrata) and exports most of its coal to power plants in the eastern United States, including the Brayton Point plant in Somerset, MA.

Press and Public Release from the "Forum towards a New National Mineral Policy and the Compensation for the Socio-Environmental Impacts the Guajiro people

WE NEED TO CHANGE THE MINING-ENERGY POLICY

Social movements, academia, trade unions, indigenous peoples, student movements, and the general public gathered at the University of La Guajira on May 9 and 10, 2013, for the Forum towards a New National Mineral Policy and the Compensation for the Socio-Environmental Impacts the Guajiro people. Throughout this event, we expressed our deep concern regarding the uncontrolled advance of the "Mining-Energy Locomotive", promoted by the current Colombian Government.